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| Resource Title: | Looking Backward, Looking Forward: Forty Years of US Human Spaceflight Symposium
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| Description: | NASA's History Office Web site is offering a publication for public review entitled Looking Backward, Looking Forward: Forty Years of US Human Spaceflight Symposium. The two hundred and fifty page document chronicles NASA's history from the Sputnik era to the present including insights from Buzz Aldrin, perspectives on the future, the international space station, and much more. Readers will enjoy the frank discussions, telling photographs, and keen insights from those involved with this sometimes dangerous and always breathtaking pursuit. |
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Garber, Stephen J.
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2002
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En
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United States. National Aeronautics and Space Administration. Office Of External Relations.
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| Subject Keyword(s) |
Manned Space Flight
Science -- Forecasting.
Space Flight
Space Flight -- Forecasting
Space Flight -- History
Space Flight -- Technological Innovations
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Content contained within the resource:
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
forty years of u.s. human spaceflight symposium
Edited by Stephen J. Garber
National Aeronautics and
Space Administration
The NASA History Series
National Aeronautics and Space Administration
Office of External Relations
NASA History Office
Washington, DC
2002
NASA SP-2002-4107
Looking Bac
kw
ard,
Looking Forw
ard—Forty
Y
ear
s of U
.S.
Human Spaceflight Symposium
Stephen J. Garber NASA SP-2002-4107
22785-looking back cover 11/20/02 1:42 PM Page 1
About the cover illustration: “T + 30 Seconds” by Vincent
Cavallero is a powerful abstract view of a space launch.
NASA Image 74-HC-402.
22785-looking back cover 11/20/02 1:42 PM Page 2
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
forty years of u.s. human spaceflight symposium
8 May 2001
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22785-looking back book final 2 11/20/02 1:13 PM Page ii
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
forty years of u.s. human spaceflight symposium
Edited by Stephen J. Garber
The NASA History Series
National Aeronautics and Space Administration
Office of External Relations
NASA History Office
Washington, DC
2002
NASA SP-2002-4107
22785-looking back book final 2 11/20/02 1:13 PM Page iii
Looking Backward, Looking Forward: Forty Years of U.S. Human
Spaceflight Symposium / edited by Stephen J. Garber.
p. cm. -- (The NASA history series) (NASA SP-2002-4107)
Includes bibliographical references.
1. Astronautics--United States--History. 2. Manned space
flight--History. I. Garber, Stephen J. II. Series. III. NASA SP-2002-4107.
TL789.8.U5 L66 2002
629.45’009--dc21
2002014550
22785-looking back book final 2 11/20/02 1:13 PM Page iv
v
Preface and Acknowledgments—Stephen J. Garber . . . . . . . .1
Foreword
Introduction—John M. Logsdon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .15
Opening Remarks—Daniel S. Goldin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19
Keynote Address
Human Spaceflight and American Society:
The Record So Far—Charles Murray . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .25
Perspectives on the Past Forty Years of Human Spaceflight
The Spaceflight Revolution Revisited
—William Sims Bainbridge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .39
Mutual Influences: U.S.S.R.-U.S. Interactions
During the Space Race—Asif Siddiqi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .65
Making Human Spaceflight as Safe
as Possible—Frederick D. Gregory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .73
What If? Paths Not Taken—John M. Logsdon . . . . . . . . . .81
The Experience of Spaceflight
Apollo and Beyond—Buzz Aldrin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .91
Breaking in the Space Shuttle—Robert Crippen . . . . . . . . .101
Going Commercial—Charles Walker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .107
Science in Orbit—Mary Ellen Weber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .117
Training for the Future—T. J. Creamer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .123
Table of Contents
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vi
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
Perspectives on the Next Forty Years of Human Spaceflight
Expanding the Frontiers of Knowledge
—Neil de Grasse Tyson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .127
Pushing Human Frontiers—Robert Zubrin . . . . . . . . . . . .137
About an Element of Human Greatness
—Homer Hickam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .149
The Ethics of Human Spaceflight—Laurie Zoloth . . . . . . .165
Future Visions for Scientific Human
Exploration—James Garvin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .189
The International Space Station and
the Future of Human Spaceflight
Preparing for New Challenges—William Shepherd . . . . . .203
About the Authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .217
The NASA History Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .235
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Preface and
Acknowledgments—Stephen J. Garber
1
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3
Human spaceflight is the driver for most activities that the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) under-
takes. While NASA certainly has a rich aviation research heritage
and has also done pathbreaking scientific and applications work
using robotic spacecraft, human spaceflight is a difficult and
expensive endeavor that engenders great popular enthusiasm and
support for NASA. Much of this public interest stems from pushing
boundaries of adventure, by exploring the unique and challenging
physical environment of space. Humans can also perform tasks
in space that machines cannot. We can think, analyze, and make
judgment calls based on experience and intuition in real time.
In little more than forty years, we have gone from thinking,
planning, and hoping that humans will enter space to having
rotating crews of astronauts and cosmonauts permanently living
aboard an International Space Station (ISS). We have moved
from the Cold War, which set the historical context for super-
power competition in space during the 1960s, to joint ISS missions
involving over a dozen cooperating nations.
Not only have humans proved that it is possible to survive
in the harsh physical environment of space, but astronauts and
cosmonauts have conducted important scientific and engineering
feats in space. We’ve discovered that microgravity is a unique labo-
ratory setting that is potentially useful for scientists in a broad
array of disciplines such as pharmacology, materials science, and
physics, as well as more obvious fields such as astronomy.
The pool of people who have flown in space has also
broadened tremendously in the past forty years. We have moved
from a group of seven handpicked men that were trained as military
Preface and Acknowledgments
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4
test pilots to men and women of many national and professional
backgrounds. Diversity has become an avowed goal of most fed-
eral agencies, including NASA, so that people of many ethnici-
ties and personal backgrounds not only fly in space but serve in
key roles on the ground. Older astronauts in their sixties and
even seventies have flown in space. Beyond pilots and com-
manders, NASA now trains scientists and engineers as payload
specialists to fly in space. Even more than the payload specialists
who are not “career astronauts,” NASA has tried to bring other
civilians, such as teachers, into space. The issues of diversity in
general and of civilians in space in particular have ebbed and
flowed in importance over time but continue to be relevant. In
recent history, the subject of paying tourists in space has come to
the forefront.
This obviously relates to the ongoing topic of commercial-
ization. Spaceflight has always been expensive, but in the 1980s,
and especially in the 1990s, the federal government began looking
at ways to privatize certain space activities. Different individuals
in the commercial sector have expressed varying degrees of interest
in making human spaceflight a profitable endeavor. While
robotic applications satellites such as remote sensing and com-
munications have been significant ventures since the early 1960s,
both the government and the private sector have warmed to
commercialization of human spaceflight somewhat later. In the
mid-1990s, NASA turned over certain key operational activities
of the Space Shuttle to the private United Space Alliance in an
attempt to lower the government’s costs for “routine opera-
tions.” Recently, NASA has also entered into several high-profile
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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5
joint agreements with private companies that are interested in
conducting specific experiments, selling data, or targeting mar-
keting opportunities in space. Whether these activities will turn
out to be profitable or otherwise worthwhile remains to be seen,
but commercialization efforts certainly have been an important
force in space history.
The history of human spaceflight has also been shaped signif-
icantly by technologies that were initially developed outside the
aerospace sector. The computer and biotechnology revolutions
have had major impacts on how space operations are planned
and executed. In addition to exponential increases in computing
power, the advent of digital microelectronics has made fly-by-wire
technology possible, which in turn has improved safety. Like
computers, advances in biotechnology enable new experiments,
knowledge, safety, and health in space; space research also syn-
ergistically benefits the biotechnology industry.
One technology that thus far has proved elusive is an inex-
pensive, reliable launch vehicle to improve human access to
space. There are many reasons this has proved problematic.
Perhaps the first is that escaping Earth’s gravitational pull has
continued to be an inherently difficult task technically. Secondly,
many knowledgeable people would argue that the government
has not provided sufficient financial resources to address this
problem after the end of the space race and Cold War. While
commercialization still looms large in the space context, no pri-
vate companies have devoted truly significant resources to
address this problem because they typically believe that their
investment will not be rewarded any time soon, and because they
Preface and Acknowledgments
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6
often view such research problems as the government’s domain.
Some people even contend that the real cost of launching
humans into space is the unnecessary redundancy in personnel
costs of having a “standing army” to launch spacecraft such as
the Space Shuttle. According to this controversial line of thinking,
the launch technology per se is not unduly expensive, but we need
a different paradigm for ensuring that we can launch people into
space with reasonable safety and cost factors.
Safety has always been and always should be a primary
concern of any program that puts people in a dangerous envi-
ronment such as space. Nevertheless, our views of safety have
evolved historically. Hopefully we have learned to be more
“proactive” in preventing accidents, but what does this mean,
and how is this actually implemented in practice? Over the past
several decades, a growing body of social science literature on risk
assessment and management has emerged, but few scholars have
seriously analyzed risk in spaceflight from such a perspective.
What qualifies as an acceptable risk for a robotic spaceflight
may obviously be totally unacceptable in the human context.
Such a safety debate has played out in the struggle to find
an appropriate power source for long-duration human space
missions such as a voyage to Mars. While nuclear power in various
forms may be acceptable to the majority, although certainly not
all sectors, of the general public for deep-space planetary probes
and the like, it faces greater opposition for human spaceflight.
On the other hand, would it be possible to adopt the safety
model of the nuclear submarine? While the technology base may
be present to make this technically feasible, public opinion in the
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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7
United States has seen nuclear power as inherently risky and contro-
versial. While scientists such as astronaut Franklin Chang-Diaz
have undertaken research in exotic forms of power such as ion or
plasma propulsion, such technologies are still in the distant future.
While the history of human spaceflight has generally been
one of great technological achievement and inspiration, space-
farers have also suffered many disappointments, both in terms of
human tragedies and in failing to meet goals we have set for our-
selves. Disastrous accidents such as the Challenger explosion and
the Apollo 1 fire are etched into our collective memories and prod
us to take prudent risks and be ever vigilant about safety whenever
lives are at stake. At another level, we have been repeatedly frus-
trated by our inability to achieve aims such as routine, reliable,
and inexpensive spaceflight. Why have we failed in these areas?
Is our technology base still immature, or are there other political,
cultural, and social factors that limit our ability to satisfy our
yearning to explore space?
What is our next logical step after the ISS? Should we send
humans to Mars? Before we attempt such long-duration missions,
we still have much to learn. Even though NASA has now flown
humans on Skylab and the ISS, most Shuttle flights are only one
to two weeks in duration. We still need to understand more
about how microgravity affects human physiology. We know it
causes motion sickness in many astronauts before they become
acclimated, but researchers still cannot predict which ones will
become ill, nor is there a good treatment for this ailment.
Microgravity also causes bone density to decrease, which can be
reversed by exercise in space, but how much exercise and what
Preface and Acknowledgments
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8
kind is best? Will astronauts on interplanetary missions be exposed
to excessive amounts of radiation over their long journeys? Since
weight is a hindrance to lifting spacecraft to Earth orbit, lead
shielding may not be the best solution.
Other, perhaps more subtly vexing challenges for long-
duration missions fall into the realm of psychology. For months
on end, the crews presumably will be confined to quite small
spaces that will make submarines seem roomy. In addition to
potential claustrophobia, the crew will certainly be very isolated.
Not only will no other humans be anywhere nearby, but audio
and visual communications back home will not be in real time,
so astronauts will not be able to speak directly to mission control
if a problem arises or to their families for personal comfort. While
submarine crews and polar expeditions may provide some answers
for how to deal with the psychological stress of such journeys,
human spaceflight to other planets will clearly present unantici-
pated challenges precisely because it has not been done before.
Public opinion has also influenced the realm of human
spaceflight in ethical dimensions. When should we allocate
financial and human resources to space exploration instead of
other, more immediate problems such as social welfare, poverty,
and healthcare? Our values also play important roles in allocating
resources within NASA’s budget. We must balance, for example,
the knowledge that comes from Earth remote-sensing satellites
with the inspirational value of having astronauts take us to new
places. Ethics also play into issues such as how much or little we
alter the environments we are exploring and studying. At the
dawn of the space age, few people gave such ethical debates
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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9
much thought. Indeed, the space race of the 1960s was won with
specific engineering achievements, even if some critics would dismiss
them as propagandistic stunts. Without the overriding Cold War
driver, however, such ethical concerns will likely take on greater
significance in the future.
Even more important than determining whether our tech-
nologies and crews are prepared for long-duration spaceflight,
spacefarers and their supporters would do well to remember that
there must be a fundamental rationale for further human space-
flight. Ideally, it should be concise and easily articulated so that
the public can readily understand it. Currently, space advocates
are struggling to convince Congress and the public why human
exploration is important enough to support with government
funds at all. Clearly, NASA’s future budgets are unlikely to be as
large as they were during the early space race, so planners will
need to be thrifty and innovative.
The future is likely to bring other unanticipated challenges.
Will the Chinese initiate a serious human spaceflight program of
their own? Perhaps the future international political situation
will make it advantageous for NASA to cooperate with China.
Will another country such as Brazil loft astronauts into orbit in
the next forty years? Will space become a new battleground for
military conflict, despite many years of international efforts to keep
it peaceful? Will the discovery of life, even if unintelligent beings,
on another celestial body rally efforts for further human exploration
of the solar system, let alone further reaches of the universe?
A confluence of anniversaries made the spring of 2001 a
propitious time for reflection on a forty-year record of achievement
Preface and Acknowledgments
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10
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
and on what may lie ahead in the years to come. The fortieth
anniversary of Alan Shepard’s first spaceflight, the first time an
American flew in space, took place on 5 May 2001. The fortieth
anniversary of Yuri Gagarin’s spaceflight, the first time a human
traveled into space and orbited Earth, took place on 12 April 2001.
Coincidentally, this date was also the twentieth anniversary of the
launch of STS-1, the first Space Shuttle flight. In addition, 25 May
was the fortieth anniversary of President John F. Kennedy’s
famous “urgent needs” speech in which he proposed putting an
American on the Moon “before this decade is out,” initiating the
Apollo Project. Last but not least, the Expedition One crew to
the ISS had finished its historic first mission in the spring of 2001.
Thus, the NASA History Office joined efforts with the
NASA Office of Policy and Plans and the George Washington
University Space Policy Institute to put together a one-day seminar
on 8 May 2001 on the history, policy, and plans of human space-
flight. The seminar was open to the public and featured the view-
points of those who have flown in space and also of nonastronaut
experts. The speakers were a fairly diverse lot in terms of back-
ground and views, but all were accomplished in their fields and
gave thought-provoking comments.
The program began with opening and keynote remarks by
then-NASA Administrator Daniel Goldin and respected author
Charles Murray. An inspiring speaker, Goldin challenged the
audience to persevere through the inevitable and the unexpected
challenges facing human space exploration. Murray related sev-
eral moving anecdotes about the Apollo program and how its
management techniques stood out.
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11
The first panel focused on the experience of spaceflight and
featured an Apollo astronaut, one of the first Shuttle astronauts,
a scientist, a commercial payload specialist, and an astronaut
trainee who had not flown in space yet. Buzz Aldrin talked
about his unusual career path to the Moon and about a future
launch vehicle system that enthralls him. T. J. Creamer spoke about
the continuity of building on the achievements of others before
him and specifically mentioned how the daughter of another
panelist, Bob Crippen, was a trainer for his astronaut class.
Scientist Mary Ellen Weber discussed how significant micro-
gravity research could be for the average person on Earth and
also enthralled listeners with her experience of having to look
down from on orbit at incoming meteorites. Charlie Walker, the
first astronaut to fly specifically on behalf of a company, covered
how NASA could best work together with private industry.
The second panel featured a variety of historical perspectives
on the past forty years. The distinguished speakers covered such
specific topics as Soviet-American reactions during the space
race, the importance of safety, and counterfactual history. The
author of a monumental volume on the Soviet space program,
Asif Siddiqi, reinforced how the perceptions, misperceptions,
actions, and reactions of the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. created the
dimensions of the space race. John Logsdon posed a number of
“what if” questions to push historians to rethink our assumptions
of the causes of key events. Astronaut and manager Fred Gregory
discussed how thinking about reliability has shifted from forcing
people to demonstrate a specific safety flaw before a launch would
be postponed to the current situation, where managers must
Preface and Acknowledgments
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12
actively show that it is safe to launch. William Sims Bainbridge
revised his arguments about the social and cultural aspects of the
“spaceflight revolution.”
In the afternoon, another panel looked at the future of human
spaceflight. A variety of speakers, from engineers and scientists
to a philosopher and a popular author, gave their provocative
opinions on the challenges facing human spaceflight. Astrophysicist
Neil de Grasse Tyson challenged space buffs to think of a major
engineering or scientific project in history that was not begun for
at least one of three reasons—national security, economics, or ego
gratification. Robert Zubrin, a passionate advocate of human
missions to Mars, echoed Frederick Jackson Turner’s famous
frontier thesis that it is our destiny to explore new worlds.
Homer Hickam proposed that one underappreciated reason for
human spaceflight is to tap solar power for use on Earth, and he
evoked Wernher von Braun in emphasizing the need to explain
clearly why space exploration is worth doing at all. Ethicist
Laurie Zoloth challenged listeners to consider the moral conse-
quences of human exploration of new places. Jim Garvin engaged
the audience by discussing exciting new technologies that could
be used to send humans beyond Earth orbit.
Finally, William Shepherd, the commander of the Expedition
One crew to the ISS, gave his take on some lessons learned from
his personal experience that could be applicable for future human
spaceflight missions. Shepherd views the ISS as a stepping stone
on the way to Mars and discussed his vision for how such chal-
lenging journeys could be accomplished. He points out that not
only do we need to develop more powerful and autonomous space-
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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13
craft to reach Mars, but we also need to address cultural differ-
ences and standardization issues inherent in what he believes will
be increased international cooperation. Shepherd also argues for
consolidating expertise in a National Space Institute, similar to
the military service academies.
Such a seminar is not only a collected work in the sense of
many authors, but also in the sense of many producers. Many of
the same people who helped stage the seminar also helped with
the production of this volume. Louise Alstork, Nadine Andreassen,
Jennifer Davis, Colin Fries, Mark Kahn, Roger Launius, and Jane
Odom of the NASA History Office helped greatly with both the
seminar and the book. Jonathan Krezel, Becky Ramsey, and
Michelle Treistman of the George Washington University Space
Policy Institute assisted John Logsdon in staging the seminar.
Many thanks also go to Tawana Cleary, who graciously handled
the astronauts’ appearances, and to the good folks at NASA TV
for all of their work. Special thanks go to Mike Green, of the for-
mer Office of Policy and Plans, who helped initiate and organize
the seminar, and who also chaired a panel. In terms of produc-
ing the book, special recognition goes to Michelle Cheston, Dave
Dixon, Melissa Kennedy, and Jeffrey McLean in the Printing and
Design group at NASA Headquarters. Thanks to all of these pro-
fessionals for their help with logistical matters and for stimulating
new and provocative ideas that promise to maintain interest in
and debates on the course of human spaceflight for years to come.
Preface and Acknowledgments
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Introduction—John M. Logsdon
15
Foreword
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16
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
Astronaut Alan B. Shepard receives the NASA Distinguished Service Award from
President John F. Kennedy in May 1961, days after his history-making Freedom 7
flight. Shepard’s wife and mother are on his left, and the other six Mercury astronauts
are in the background. NASA Image S67-19572.
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17
Today is an auspicious day for holding this symposium.
Today is the fortieth anniversary of the day when Alan Shepard
came to Washington after his historic flight. He participated in a
parade, addressed a joint session of Congress, and then came to the
White House, where President John F. Kennedy gave him a medal.
On that same day, 8 May 1961, Vice President Lyndon
Johnson presented President Kennedy with a set of recommen-
dations concerning the future of human spaceflight that con-
tained a historic memorandum signed by NASA Administrator
James Webb and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara.
These recommendations had been developed in the two-
and-a-half weeks after Kennedy, on 20 April 1961, had asked
the Vice President to carry out a review to identify a “space pro-
gram which promises dramatic results in which we could win.”
This set of recommendations led to Kennedy’s decision to accel-
erate the space program, aim at across-the-board space preemi-
nence, and set a lunar-landing goal as the centerpiece of the
space program for the 1960s. A decision wasn’t made on 8 May
1961, but the decision paper that led to Apollo and all that fol-
lowed reached the President that day.
To start this celebration of forty years of U.S. human
spaceflight, there’s no more appropriate person than the ninth
Administrator of NASA, Daniel S. Goldin. Dan has served as
Administrator longer than any of his eight predecessors and has
made remarkable changes in the organization. I think as we look
back ten, fifteen, or twenty years from now at his time as
Administrator, we’ll find that he set NASA on a productive
course for the twenty-first century.
Introduction—John M. Logsdon
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Opening Remarks—Daniel S. Goldin
19
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20
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
Daniel S. Goldin with a model of the Mars Pathfinder’s Sojourner rover.
22785-looking back book final 2 11/20/02 1:13 PM Page 20
21
1. Remarks at the presentation of NASA’s Distinguished Service Medal to astronaut Alan
B. Shepard on 8 May 1961. Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F.
Kennedy, 1961 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1962), p. 366.
Opening Remarks—Daniel S. Goldin
What a wonderful day it is. We are taking the opportunity this morn-
ing to reflect on what it has meant since 1961 to be a spacefaring
nation. We are also looking forward to the next forty years of human
adventure in space and what it might bring us as a civilization.
While the specifics of what will unfold during the first part
of the twenty-first century are not certain—and that’s the wonder
of the space program—I can say with certainty that the possibilities
are boundless. Accordingly, I am both excited about where we
have been and where we are going.
Alan Shepard, of course, had become the first American to
fly into space during a 15-minute suborbital flight on 5 May 1961,
riding a Redstone booster in his Freedom 7 spacecraft. At the
ceremony that followed, President Kennedy recognized the courage
and sacrifice of all those involved in America’s first human
spaceflight. The President commented that Shepard’s success as
the first United States astronaut was an outstanding contribution
to the advancement of human knowledge, space technology, and
a demonstration of man’s capabilities in suborbital flight.
President Kennedy also juxtaposed the very public flight of
Alan Shepard with the secrecy of our rival at the time, the Soviet
Union: “I also want to pay cognizance to the fact that this flight
was made out in the open with all the possibilities of failure,
which have been damaging to our country’s prestige. Because
great risks were taken in that regard, it seems to me that we have
some right to claim that this open society of ours, which risked
much, gained much.”
1
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22
President Kennedy’s comments about the risks and rewards of
spaceflight are just as applicable today as they were on 8 May 1961.
In forty years of human spaceflight, we have achieved enormous
successes, gained astounding knowledge about our universe and our
place in it, and brought untold benefits to the people of the world.
We have learned to survive in the incredibly hostile environ-
ment of space. We have landed on the Moon. We have developed a
remarkable vehicle, the Space Shuttle, which enables Americans to
travel to and from Earth orbit much more readily than any previous
launch technology, and we will have a vehicle that will take us not
just to low-Earth orbit, but, eventually, we will develop a vehicle
to take us out of Earth orbit.
I’m especially pleased to recognize the leadership of Alan
Shepard as the first Mercury 7 astronaut to fly to space. He was
truly an American hero, and I’m proud to have known him. Not
long after I arrived at NASA, Alan met me to tell me that what we
were doing at NASA was very important and that he personally
wanted to make himself available. He said that he’d do anything that
I asked to help accomplish the NASA mission. If I wanted him to
testify before Congress, or meet with senior officials, or speak to
schoolchildren, or take a trip across the world, he would be
happy to do it.
He was an individual who had been the first American to fly
in space, as well as an individual who had walked on the Moon. He
offered to carry the message of the importance of human space-
flight to the masses because he believed in it so deeply, and he
believed in this great nation of ours. Alan Shepard believed that
NASA is a representation of the best that America has to offer.
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He was enthusiastic about this fact and always shared it at every
opportunity. He left us a legacy of excellence that is unmatched.
We need more heroes like Alan Shepard and the other won-
derful astronauts who are opening up the cosmos. They are the
modern descendants of Lewis and Clark, Richard Byrd, and
Charles Lindbergh. They set their sights on the distant horizon
of space and the journey to unknown places, bringing back
knowledge and understanding. They inspire us with their perse-
verance. They lead us, as Americans, to a loftier place, and Alan
was the first American there.
In some respects, we have come a long way since Alan Shepard
flew the tiny Freedom 7 space capsule forty years ago, but, in other
ways, we have not yet journeyed so far. Alan would have been the
first to say that while the technology has changed, the curiosity of the
human mind and the courage of the human heart remain the same.
Those who venture forth into space are a breed apart. Alan
Shepard and every other astronaut should not be thought of simply
as passengers or visitors in space. They are blazing a pioneering
trail that will be followed by others once they have made the way
safe. When we make the way safe, we are going to do great things.
As I was preparing these remarks, I thought about the pos-
sibilities. We’ve been locked in Earth orbit for too long, but we
are going to break out. There’s no doubt in my mind. The seeds
are there. This is the anniversary of NASA’s forty years of human
space exploration, and it represents an important crossroad. As
we celebrate it today, we continue to move toward a visionary goal.
In our quest to make what is envisioned real, we test, we
build, we launch, we learn, and we fail. Then we start again and
Opening Remarks—Daniel S. Goldin
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24
never ever worry about the criticism of failure—because in failure
we learn, and we start the cycle again.
So we are not only celebrating the past today, but also
drawing a demarcation point from which to envision the future
yet more wondrous. Let us work together to make it happen. Let
us burn into our brains that this civilization is not condemned to
live on only one planet.
Let’s burn it into our brains that in our lifetimes we will
extend the reach of this human species onto other planets and to
other bodies in our solar system. Let’s build the robots that will
leave our solar system to go to other stars and ultimately be fol-
lowed by people.
I wish that Alan Shepard could have been here with us
today. We lost a true pioneer when he passed on in 1998. He
liked to say of space exploration, “I know it can be done,” “it’s
important for it to be done,” and “I want to do it.” His spirit
lives on in that quest for our future in space.
I would like to close by dedicating this activity on the past,
present, and future of U.S. human spaceflight to the memory of
Alan Shepard, the first American hero of the space age and my
personal hero. Thank you very much.
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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Human Spaceflight and American Society:
The Record So Far—Charles Murray
25
Keynote Address
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27
These remarks give me an excuse to revisit a world that
Catherine Cox and I had a chance to live in vicariously from
1986 to 1989 when we were researching and writing about
Project Apollo. As I thought about it, I realized that actually very
few people in this audience have had a chance to live in that
world, either vicariously or for real. For most people today,
NASA’s human spaceflight program is the Shuttle. The NASA
you know is an extremely large bureaucracy. The Apollo you
know is a historical event.
So to kick off today’s presentations, I want to be the “Voice
of Christmas Past.” If we want to think about what is possible
for human spaceflight as part of America’s future, it is essential
to understand how NASA people understood “possible” during
the Apollo era.
It is also important to understand that the way NASA func-
tioned during the Apollo Program was wildly different from the
way NASA functions now. In fact—and I say this with all due
respect to the current NASA team members who are doing fine
work—the race to the Moon was not really a race against the
Russians; it was a race to see if we could get to the Moon before
NASA became a bureaucracy, and we won. But the lessons of that
experience should be ones that we still have at the front of our minds.
First, I would like to provide some perspective on time scale.
Think back to 20 July 1990. This was the twenty-first anniversary
of the first lunar landing, but that is not why I chose the date.
From 20 July 1990 to May 2001 is the same amount of time as from
the founding of NASA to the first Moon landing, only eleven years.
If you think back to what you were doing on 20 July 1990, it just
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The Record So Far—Charles Murray
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was not that long ago. So if we think about what infrastructure
for human exploration of space existed in 1958, when NASA
started, we realize there was virtually none. At that time, there were
few buildings, a small staff, and not a glimmer of the equipment
that Mercury, Gemini, and Apollo would use. At that time, the
largest booster in the U.S. launcher inventory was the Redstone,
which was less powerful than the escape tower on the Saturn V. The
Space Task Group that was responsible for NASA’s early human
spaceflight efforts was formed only a few months after NASA itself.
Occasionally I am asked, “How can we get to Mars?” I am
tempted to say, “Well, junk the current space program, go down
to Langley Air Force Base, put together forty-five people that
have no experience whatsoever, give them eleven years, and they
will do it.” Now that is facetious, but it is how short the period
of time was between ground zero and the first Moon landing.
The speed is only symptomatic, however, of the way that
NASA functioned during those early years, and I want to go over
a few of those characteristics. The first was simply youth. Of the
forty-five people who were initial members of the Space Task
Group, Robert Gilruth was the oldest at forty-four. Joe Shea and
George Low got their jobs at thirty-two and thirty-four, respec-
tively. Chris Kraft got his first big job at the age of thirty-four.
Glynn Lunney and Gene Kranz, lead flight directors during the
big Apollo missions, became flight directors in their twenties,
and they were still barely into their thirties when they were lead
flight directors for the Apollo flights.
People were very young, and it made a difference. As you
talk to the people of Apollo, they will say over and over, “We didn’t
28
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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know we couldn’t do it.” People who were older who would try
to come into this business often were not able to cut it. The reason
they could not cut it was that they were too aware of all the ways
that things could go wrong.
One of the things that youth brings with it is an ability to
form tightly knit teams, another characteristic of the early NASA.
It was so small to begin with that everybody knew one another.
Even though by the time Apollo flew, it had mushroomed into
tens of thousands of people, those initial connections remained.
There were people who had known each other at Langley Center
and at Lewis Center who dealt with each other in ways that had
nothing to do with their places in the organization charts.
Joe Bobek, who was a second-generation Polish immigrant
with only a high school education but a genius mechanic,
became chief inspector for the Apollo spacecraft. In contrast,
George Low was the courtly offspring of an affluent Austrian
family, a brilliant engineer, and exceedingly well educated.
Before every Apollo flight, George Low would take a sandwich
down to the pad and sit down with his old mechanic buddy from
Lewis Research Center. They would talk about what George
Low needed to know about that spacecraft.
You had people such as Joe Shea and George Low taking
demotions all the time during the Apollo Program. They were
sent out of Washington to the Centers. They were technically far
lower on the ladder than they had been before, but the reason
they did that was because that was where the action was.
I do not want you to feel that I am completely unrealistic
and starry-eyed about Apollo. Were there any people who were
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The Record So Far—Charles Murray
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30
mostly concerned about their careers during Apollo? Of course
there were. But if you talked to a lot of people from Apollo, you
also got a very clear message with lots of evidence that this was
the period of their life when their personal careers really weren’t
nearly as important as focusing on the job at hand.
People were calling back and forth, ignoring lines of hierarchy
in their quest to solve problems. Incredibly brilliant engineers
were running the program. People such as George Mueller, who
was in charge of human spaceflight at Headquarters, were
extremely well-versed in virtually all details of their programs. In
terms of engineering, Mueller could wrestle to the ground a rela-
tively low-level engineer on his own particular specialty. The
same thing could be said again and again for people such as
Shea, Low, Max Faget, and all the rest. They were managers,
yes, but they knew just about everything there was to know
about the systems they were dealing with, and this made a lot of
difference when they wanted to obtain the respect and the over-
time work and the commitment of the troops.
Another important aspect of the program, which you can
get away with more easily when it’s a young program, was its
incredible audacity. I shall give you three examples.
The first example goes back to George Mueller in 1963.
He came into NASA as head of human spaceflight and set his
underlings to work on a comprehensive look at the schedule and
how it was going. They were not going to get to the Moon
before 1970 or 1971; that was absolutely clear. So what did
George Mueller do? He imposed on the Centers all-up testing.
This meant that the first flight of the Saturn rocket, with its
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mammoth 7.5 million pounds of thrust in the first stage alone, would
be with all three stages in that stack. All three stages were untested
when Mueller made this decision. This approach was anathema
to the German rocket team down at Marshall. The Germans had
done very well by testing incrementally, one piece at a time.
The engineers from Langley had done very well taking
their experimental aircraft over the years and testing them out
one step at a time. Here was this guy from the ICBM world, the
third culture, as it were, that made up NASA in those days,
telling them, “We’re going to do all-up testing—we’re going to
do it all at one time.” No committees made that decision. George
Mueller made that decision. It was not a political decision. He
was not doing it just to get to the Moon before 1970, although
that was clearly one of the motivations for it. But the engineering
logic behind it was absolutely fascinating. I recommend you look
at this decision-making process as a case study of rigorous engi-
neering thinking combined with enormous willingness to do
what was necessary to get a job done.
The second case of audacity was George Low’s decision to
make Apollo 8 a circumlunar mission. Again, in reconstructing how
it was done and why it was done, we are not talking about some
wild-eyed adventure. There were engineering reasons why it was
possible and why it was not only possible, but valuable. But it
was the kind of decision which pushed everything in the schedule
a quantum leap ahead of where it would have been otherwise.
The third case of audacity is not a particular event; it is the
years that Joe Shea was the head of the Apollo Spacecraft
Program Office. It has been Joe Shea’s legacy to be remembered
Human Spaceflight and American Society:
The Record So Far—Charles Murray
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as the guy who was pushing so hard that mistakes were not
caught, and we had the 1967 fire that killed three astronauts.
This was a very controversial period in NASA history, and Joe
Shea certainly took the fall for the accident. Nobody was
tougher on Joe Shea than Joe Shea was on himself.
I submit to you that he was doing exactly the same thing
that George Mueller and George Low were doing. But the coin
came up tails for him. But if it had come up tails for George Low
in Apollo 8, people would have said, “What on Earth are you
doing trying to send the second manned flight of an Apollo
spacecraft around the Moon?” If the first flight of the Saturn V
on the all-up had failed, people would have said, “Well, that was
really dumb to try to test all three stages at once.” The first time
it had ever been done, everybody told him he should not do it,
and look what happened.
The Apollo Program was audacious, and occasionally it failed.
But the only reason we had a spacecraft as mature as the one we
had in 1967 was because Joe Shea had been operating that way
for four years and accomplishing wonderful things by so doing.
In trying to pull together my thoughts about the way
NASA operated, I would like to suggest considering the Apollo
12 mission. I recommend that NASA have a three-day seminar
for senior management staff on Apollo 12, meditating on it as a
fascinating example of managing a space program. As some may
recall, Apollo 12 was hit by lightning. It was actually hit by
lightning twice in the boost phase of the first stage, knocking
everything onboard to flinders. All the warning lights went on.
Down on the ground, it wasn’t that all the data had been lost on
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the controllers’ screens,
but that the data made no
sense whatsoever. They
didn’t know that the
spacecraft had been hit
by lightning. All the con-
trollers knew was that
the platform had been
lost; the guidance plat-
form had been lost; that
they weren’t able to read
any of their data; and it
was taken for granted
that what you had to do
at that point was abort.
Here is the first vignette from that Apollo 12 launch.
Sitting at one of the mission control consoles was one John
Aaron. He later rose to great heights in NASA, but at that time
he was only twenty-five or twenty-six years old. A year earlier,
he had been sitting in the control room at Houston watching a
test at the Cape, which they often did just to get to understand
their systems better.
This particular time, at some point during the test, his screen
suddenly turned to weird numbers. Incidentally, the screens of the
Apollo controllers did not have nice graphics on them. They were
black screens. They had fuzzy white numbers, [with] columns of
fuzzy white numbers on them at that time. That’s all the controllers
viewed. The numbers were constantly changing. Incidentally, it is
Shortly after liftoff on 14 November 1969,
lightning struck the Apollo 12 Saturn V launch
vehicle and the launch tower. NASA Image
KSC-69PC-812. Special thanks to Kipp
Teague for help with this image.
Human Spaceflight and American Society:
The Record So Far—Charles Murray
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
also true that the numbers were not in real time because the
computers were quite slow. So controllers had to factor in that
some of the numbers that were changing were 15 seconds old,
while other numbers were 10 sec-
onds old and so forth. That is the
kind of thing you did if you were an
Apollo controller.
Aaron had looked into things,
called up the Cape, and finally man-
aged to figure out what was going
on. He was told of an obscure
board, called the signal condition-
ing equipment, SCE, that would
have restored their numbers if it was
switched to auxiliary mode. This
was something that John Aaron had
done that was not a formal part of his job. It was part of hundreds
of similar experiences he’d had. This was not something that the con-
trollers had practiced in any simulation since then. He was probably
one of the only people in all of NASA who knew this thing existed.
In the critical launch phase, when they were about to lose a crew,
when everything was going crazy, Aaron looked at that screen, and
he understood within a matter of seconds what was going on.
On the Apollo 12, the spacecraft had been hit by lightning
twice in the initial ascent phase. Controllers had lost the platform
but managed to reset it. They had a couple of hours in which to go
through tests of the spacecraft, and then they had to decide
whether to go forward with translunar injection.
Technicians in the Firing Room
listen to Apollo 12 and Mission
Control overcome lightning-
induced electrical problems.
NASA Image KSC-69P-856.
Special thanks to Kipp Teague for
help with this image.
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35
Catherine Cox and I really wanted to reconstruct the decision
that was being made by Rocco Petrone, Chris Kraft, Jim McDivett,
and the other senior people who were in charge of that flight. We
talked to all of them, and we couldn’t get a story out of it
because here’s what happened. These twenty-six-, twenty-seven-,
twenty-eight-, twenty-nine-year-old controllers went through all
the systems down there in the control room. Then they turned
around to the back row and said, “We’ve got a clean spacecraft;
let’s go,” and there was no fretting about it.
When I was interviewing Gene Kranz once, I asked him,
“Gee, this seems to me like a very dicey thing to do. Yes, you’ve
checked out the spacecraft, but, after all, the thing has been hit
by a huge bolt of lightning through all its electronics.” Kranz
was very matter-of-fact about it—“No, you go the way the data
leads you.” So I finally asked him “if a similar thing happened
with the Space Shuttle and you had to make the equivalent of a
decision to go out of Earth orbit, would you do the same thing?”
Gene Kranz was not often at a loss for an answer, but he just sat
and stared at me for about five seconds, and then he broke into
a laugh, and he didn’t say anything.
That was the way that that mission worked. It was a story
of everything that made the human spaceflight program such a
wonderful adventure, as well as an excellent case study from
which later people could learn.
I second the remarks of Administrator Goldin about the
future of human spaceflight. I think that his aspirations for it are
just right. The only thing I would add is that if it is to succeed,
human spaceflight must most of all capture the public imagination.
Human Spaceflight and American Society:
The Record So Far—Charles Murray
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Part of the reason for that is hardheaded politics; you can’t have a
big program unless you have gotten the political funding for it,
and the political funding only comes for it if you have captured
a large part of the public imagination.
The essence of human spaceflight is that it does great
things. That is how it captures the public imagination. About
600 years ago, with the invention of the scientific method, the
deep abiding human impulse to understand and to explore,
which previously had been confined to philosophy and religion,
was let loose on all the other ways that we could explore the
world. Now, in the twentieth century, I think that human space-
flight touches the wellspring of the human spirit and excites a
great many people. Human spaceflight also represents the great
next adventure in that continuing quest to understand and to
explore—only this time it is to understand and explore the universe.
We are never going to get a majority of the American people
to share in that aspiration any more than you could get 51 percent
of the people in Europe who wanted to get in small dangerous
boats and go to the new world. There always will be objections
such as “We would be better off spending money to combat
poverty here on Earth.” There is, however, a sizable minority
who has a lot of influence, and they can be energized. But the
only way that they can be energized is if human spaceflight
remains true to its mission—it must do something beyond building
one brick after another. It must continue to push the envelope
with audacity, by going [to] new places, by doing new things, by
taking on grand missions.
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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Human Spaceflight and American Society:
The Record So Far—Charles Murray
37
So as somebody who doesn’t have a technical background
and doesn’t work for NASA, I’ll go ahead and give some advice
anyway. Get a grand mission, believe in it, give it to a new gener-
ation, and get the hell out of the way. Thank you very much.
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The Spaceflight Revolution
Revisited—William Sims Bainbridge
39
Perspectives on the Past Forty Years of Human Spaceflight
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
Hermann Oberth in the foreground appears with officials of the Army Ballistic
Missile Agency at Huntsville, Alabama, in 1956. Left to right: Dr. Ernst Stuhlinger
(seated); Major General H.N. Toftoy, Commanding Officer for Project Paperclip;
Dr. Wernher von Braun; and Dr. Robert Lusser. NASA Image CC-417.
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The Spaceflight Revolution Revisited—William Sims Bainbridge
1. William Sims Bainbridge, The Spaceflight Revolution (New York: Wiley Interscience, 1976).
There are two models of the future of spaceflight, and there are
two theories of how that future might be achieved. The first
model of spaceflight assumes that we have already achieved
most of what is worth achieving in space, whereas the second
imagines it will be possible to build a truly interplanetary civi-
lization in which most human beings live elsewhere than on
Earth. The first theory holds that progress comes incrementally
from the inexorable working of free markets and political sys-
tems, whereas the second believes that revolutionary transfor-
mations must sometimes be accomplished by social movements
that transcend the ordinary institutions and motivations of
mundane existence.
My 1975 Harvard doctoral dissertation, published in 1976
as The Spaceflight Revolution, attributed the early stages of
development of space technology in large measure to a social
movement that transcended ordinary commercial, military, or
scientific motives.
1
First, visionaries like Konstantin Tsiolkovsky,
Robert Goddard, and Hermann Oberth developed the ideology
of spaceflight. Then tiny volunteer groups coalesced around
their ideas in Germany, America, Russia, and Britain, becoming
the vanguard of a radical social movement aimed at promoting
the goal of interplanetary exploration. Shrewd and dynamic
entrepreneurs, notably Wernher von Braun and Sergei Korolev,
took the movement on a military detour, gaining the support of
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
2. Michael J. Neufeld, The Rocket and the Reich: Peenemünde and the Coming of the
Ballistic Missile Era (New York: Free Press, 1995); Walter A. McDougall, The Heavens
and the Earth: A Political History of the Space Age (New York: Basic Books, 1985).
3. National Commission on Space, Pioneering the Space Frontier (New York: Bantam
Books, 1986).
the German and Russian governments. Finally, the movement
became institutionalized as the space programs of the Soviet
Union, United States, and other countries.
After I wrote, some historians gave greater emphasis to the
technical needs of the German war machine and the technocratic
values of the Soviet Union in the development of spaceflight.
2
Their analyses focus on later phrases in space history, and certainly
the social movement was crucial at the very beginning. There is
room to debate how long it was influential and when institu-
tional factors took control. The role of a transcendent social
movement in the development of spaceflight is an intrinsically
interesting question for historians, but it becomes very impor-
tant if we use the past to try to understand the future. Thus, for
me, the crucial question has always been “Can spaceflight tech-
nology develop to the fullest possible extent without the often
irrational impetus that a social movement can contribute?”
Human beings have not left low-Earth orbit since 1972, and
for thirty years the emphasis in space has been relatively modest
projects that satisfy some of the conventional needs of terrestrial
society. The 1986 report of the National Commission on Space
argued that the solar system is the future home of humanity,
where free societies will be created on new worlds, and great new
resources will benefit humanity.
3
However, governments, private
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4. Frank Morring, Jr., “NASA Kills X-33, X-34, Trims Space Station,” Aviation Week and
Space Technology (5 March 2001), pp. 24–25.
5. William Sims Bainbridge, Dimensions of Science Fiction (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 1986).
enterprise, and the general public have not endorsed solar system
colonization as a practical or worthy goal.
This essay will first consider whether technological break-
throughs in space technology and the rational motives of ordinary
institutions have the capacity to break out of this relatively static
situation. Then we will survey the roles that social movements of
various kinds might play and conclude with an examination of
one particular nascent movement that might possibly build the
foundation for a spacefaring civilization.
When The Spaceflight Revolution was written, we had great
hopes that the Space Shuttle would be an economic as well as
technical success, but sadly, the cost of launching to Earth orbit
remains prohibitively high for many applications. The most
recent disappointment is the cancellation of the X-33 and the
inescapable realization that we are still a long way from the ability
to develop a low-cost launch system.
4
Science-fiction writers and other visionaries have suggested
a vast array of alternative orbital launch methods.
5
Some, like
electric catapults and Jacob’s ladders, have some grounding in
scientific principles but may present insurmountable engineering
difficulties. Others, like antigravity and reactionless drives, have
no basis in science and thus must be presumed impossible. A
third of a century ago, practical nuclear fission rockets were
The Spaceflight Revolution Revisited—William Sims Bainbridge
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
6. Richard W. Siegel, Evelyn Hu, and M. C. Roco, Nanostructure Science and Technology
(Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer, 1999); M. C. Roco, R. S. Williams, and P. Alivisatos,
Nanotechnology Research Directions (Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer, 2000); M. C. Roco
and William Sims Bainbridge, Societal Implications of Nanoscience and Nanotechnology
(Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer, 2001).
7. Robert Zubrin and Richard Wagner, The Case for Mars (New York: Free Press, 1996).
under development, but this approach now seems environmen-
tally unacceptable. It is hard to devise a more environmentally
benign propellant than the hydrogen and oxygen used by the
main engines of the Space Shuttle.
There is some hope that nanotechnology will save the day
with materials based on carbon nanotubes that are vastly
stronger yet lighter than metals.
6
However, the X-33 failure shows
that it is not easy to work with radically new structural materials
in demanding aerospace applications, and we may be many
decades away from being able to manufacture propellant tanks,
wings, and other large structures from carbon nanotubes.
Perhaps Robert Zubrin is right that [the] use of native
Martian resources will significantly reduce the cost of a manned
expedition.
7
However, the cost may still be more than people are
willing to invest. Thus, the Mars society that has been organized
around Zubrin’s vision may be more important for reviving the
spirit of the spaceflight movement than for any particular tech-
nical innovation it offers.
Technological breakthroughs in rocketry would certainly
help promote space development, but the advances we are likely
to see over the next several decades will not be sufficient in
themselves. We also need a profound boost in the motivation to
invest in an aggressive space program.
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8. For example, see the National Research Council report, People and Pixels: Linking
Remote Sensing and Social Science, ed. Dianna Liverman, Emilio F. Moran, Ronald R.
Rindfuss, and Paul C. Stern (Washington, DC: National Academy Press, 1998).
9. Robert W. Smith, The Space Telescope (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
Satellites in low-Earth and synchronous orbit are of great
importance in the collection and distribution of information,
thus essential to the information economy. The wide range of
civilian applications includes telephone, data transmission, tele-
vision, navigation, weather observation, agriculture monitoring,
and prospecting for natural resources.
8
The technology is largely
perfected, and incremental progress can be achieved by improvement
in information systems and simply by investing in more relatively
small satellites of the kinds we already have.
Current space technology has proven the capacity to send
robot space probes to any location in the solar system and a few
billion miles beyond. Orbiting observatories, such as the decade-
old Hubble Space Telescope, are effective means for gaining
information about the vast realm that lies beyond the reach of
space probes.
9
Much can be accomplished over the next century
in space science without the need for major new launch technology.
Indeed, one could argue that if science were the prime purpose
of spaceflight, we would have done well to keep manufacturing
the forty-year-old Saturn I, rather than developing more sophis-
ticated launch systems.
Many scientists and ordinary citizens believe that the chief
justification for the space program is the knowledge of our place
in the universe gained by probes and space telescopes. However,
The Spaceflight Revolution Revisited—William Sims Bainbridge
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
10. Matthias Krings, Anne Stone, Ralf W. Schmitz, Heike Krainitzki, Mark Stoneking, and
Svante Pääbo, “Neandertal DNA Sequences and the Origin of Modern Humans,” Cell
(1997) 90: 19–30; see also Dennis H. O’Rourke, S. W. Carlyle, and R. L. Parr, “Ancient
DNA: Methods, Progress, and Perspectives,” American Journal of Human Biology, 1996, 8:
557–571.
11. Jeffrey T. Richelson, America’s Space Sentinels: DSP Satellites and National Security
(Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1999).
if the government really wanted to advance fundamental knowledge
that is interesting to the general public as well as to scientists, it
would put its money not into spaceflight but into paleontology,
archaeology, and anthropology—extremely underfunded fields
where rapid advances could be expected to follow quickly from
any increased investment.
The search for human origins is a noble and tremendously
exciting scientific initiative waiting for the political will to
achieve profound discoveries. Very little is currently invested in
primary data collection in paleontology and archaeology, and a
few million dollars a year could work wonders. In physical
anthropology, tools of genetic science already exist that could
chart the evolution of the human species and its geographic dis-
persion. For example, existing techniques are capable of sequenc-
ing the DNA of Neanderthal specimens and determining their
relationship to modern humans.
10
All that is needed is funding.
Military reconnaissance satellites have been essentially per-
fected, and they are already capable of accomplishing almost any
data gathering the defense establishment is willing to invest in.
11
For a quarter century, enthusiasts have urged the development of
a space-based missile defense system, perhaps employing beam
weapons. If it required orbiting many large installations, it
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12. William Sims Bainbridge, The Spaceflight Revolution (New York: Wiley Interscience,
1976), pp. 241–243.
13. Electric Power from Orbit: A Critique of a Satellite Power System (Washington, DC:
National Academy of Sciences, 1981).
14. Gerard K. O’Neill, The High Frontier (New York: Bantam Books, 1977); Richard D.
Johnson and Charles Holbrow, editors, Space Settlements: A Design Study (Washington,
DC: National Aeronautics and Space Administration, 1977).
would promote the development of efficient launch vehicles
which could then be applied to other purposes.
12
But currently its
advocates emphasize localized theater defense systems and
“smart rock” ICBM interception methods that do nothing to
advance civilian spaceflight.
Since the 1960s, there has been much talk about commercial
exploitation of outer space. For a time, attention was given to
the idea of collecting solar energy in space and beaming it to Earth,
and there still is hope that some new industrial processes that
require weightlessness will prove to be economically profitable.
However, space-based solar energy systems would be extremely
costly and are not currently part of the world’s response to
energy needs.
13
Today, materials scientists are much more excited
about a wide range of terrestrial nanotechnology techniques
than about the dubious value of weightless manufacturing.
Like military applications, hypothetical industrial satellites
would probably be in low-Earth orbit; although, some writers
have argued that it might be cheaper to build them from lunar
materials because of the low velocity required to leave the
Moon.
14
This would demand some degree of lunar colonization,
and it would thereby build a transportation infrastructure that
would reduce the cost of deep-space missions.
Nonetheless, it is very difficult to develop a scenario in which
the Earth itself could ever benefit from importation of raw materials
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15. Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York: Basic Books, 1973).
16. Kim Stanley Robinson, Red Mars (New York: Bantam, 1993); Green Mars (New York:
Bantam, 1995); Blue Mars (New York: Bantam, 1997).
from beyond the Moon. It is more than a cliché that the world is
becoming an information society, postindustrial rather than indus-
trial.
15
The Earth has ample supplies of almost every useful chemical
element, and it is not plausible that we could find energy sources on
Mars that would be cost-effective to bring to Earth. Martian resources
would be of value if we had already decided to live there, but we
would need some motivation other than raw materials to do so.
In purely economic terms, beyond synchronous orbit or maybe
lunar orbit there may be no bucks; therefore, no Buck Rogers.
Some say that the pressure of population growth on Earth
will force humanity to colonize other worlds. Perhaps the most
plausible version of this scenario was suggested in Kim Stanley
Robinson’s series of novels about terraforming Mars—the rich
ruling classes might want to develop Mars as a home for them-
selves when Earth becomes unendurably overpopulated.
16
Unfortunately, examination of actual fertility and mortal-
ity trends does not provide a clear demographic justification for
space colonization. The population explosion has not yet halted
in many poor nations, but they certainly do not have the wealth
for spaceflight. Fertility rates have dropped so far in most of the
industrial nations that they are poised for a population collapse
that would remove their motivation to expand out into space.
Recent United Nations estimates predict that nineteen
nations of the world will each lose more than a million in population
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17. Population Division, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations,
World Population Prospects: The 2000 Revision (New York: United Nations, 2001), p. 58.
18. Frederick W. Hollmann, Tammany J. Mulder, and Jeffrey E. Kallan, “Methodology and
Assumptions for the Population Projections of the United States: 1999 to 2100,”
Population Division Working Paper No. 38, United States Census Bureau, 2000.
19. Ronald Inglehart and Wayne E. Baker, “Modernization, Cultural Change, and the
Persistence of Traditional Values,” American Sociological Review (February 2000),
65: 19–51.
by the year 2050: Russia (loss of forty-one million people), Ukraine
(twenty million), Japan (eighteen), Italy (fifteen), Germany
(eleven), Spain (nine), Poland (five), Romania (four), Bulgaria
(three), Hungary (two), Georgia (two), Belarus (two), Czech
Republic (two), Austria (two), Greece (two), Switzerland (two),
Yugoslavia (two), Sweden (one), and Portugal (one).
17
Fertility
rates are also already below the replacement level in Australia,
Canada, France, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom.
Fertility rates are still above replacement in the United
States, and the U.S. Census projects population growth throughout
the next century.
18
In part, growth is assured by immigration and
by the fact that fertility rates are still high in some minority
groups. Major uncertainties are the roles of religion and politics.
The collapse in European fertility rates may partly be explained
by secularization and by indirect effects of the welfare state.
19
America is far more religious than almost any European nation
today, other than Ireland and Poland, and its political environ-
ment is quite different from that of Europe or Japan. If the
United States eventually follows the other industrial nations in
abandoning religion and adopting the welfare state, then
American fertility rates could collapse just as those in most of
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50
Europe have already done. If that happens, then there is no
nation both rich enough and demographically motivated to col-
onize the solar system.
Finally, one might hope simply that the passage of time will
allow a steadily increasing portion of the population to become
interested in space. Spaceflight accomplishes a little more each
year, and the growing status of science fiction in popular culture
should also contribute to increased enthusiasm.
However, opinion polls reveal only modest growth in sup-
port for the space program. Perhaps the best data source is the
General Social Survey, a repeated scientific study of a random
sample of Americans that has included a question about the
space program for twenty-five years. In 1973, just 7.8 percent of
the American public wanted funding for the space program
increased. By 1998, this fraction had grown just to 10.8 percent.
A pessimistic way to look at this is to note that this increase of
3 percentage points over a quarter century would mean 12 per-
centage points every century. Linear extrapolation would predict
a majority of the population would support increased space
funding in about the year 2325.
Of course, a crude projection like that is scientifically inde-
fensible. Support has moved up and down over the years, apparently
in response to events. The highest level of support was in 1988,
responding to the nation’s return to space after the Challenger
disaster, when 18.9 percent wanted funding increased. The biggest
trend over the twenty-five years was actually a shift from feeling
funding should be reduced to feeling it was about right. In 1973,
61.4 percent wanted the space program reduced, compared with
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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20. William Sims Bainbridge, “Collective Behavior and Social Movements,” in Sociology by
Rodney Stark (Belmont, California: Wadsworth, 1985), pp. 492–523, reprinted in second
edition (1987) and third edition (1989).
only 42.2 percent in 1998. Those who felt about the right
amount was being invested rose from 30.8 percent in 1973 to
43.8 percent in 1998. But a projection based on the fifteen years
from 1983 to 1998 shows no growth in those who want space
funding increased and no decline in the proportion of the popu-
lation who want it reduced; so projections are very sensitive to
the assumptions on which they are based.
While opinion polls give some reason for slight optimism,
they certainly do not reveal the kind of rapid growth in support
that would be required to break out of the current doldrums.
Hope springs eternal, but there is little reason to expect that either
a breakthrough in space technology or a surge in conventional moti-
vation will transform spaceflight in our lifetimes. Thus, we need to
consider the possible impact of another spaceflight social movement.
The regularities of human interaction can be classified in
terms of four levels of social coordination—parallel behavior,
collective behavior, social movements, and societal institutions.
20
Parallel behavior is when individuals do roughly the same thing
for similar reasons, but without influencing each other directly.
An example is the isolated pioneers who developed the intellec-
tual basis of spaceflight, including Tsiolkovsky, Goddard, and
the early work of Oberth. On the basis of their ideas, an inter-
national network of informal communication developed, chiefly
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21. William Sims Bainbridge, “Beyond Bureaucratic Policy: The Space Flight Movement,”
pp. 153–163 in People in Space, ed. James Everett Katz (New Brunswick, New Jersey:
Transaction, 1985).
22. Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior (New York: Free Press, 1962); Hans
Toch, The Social Psychology of Social Movements (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1965);
Ted Robert Gurr, Why Men Rebel (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970).
through publications, in which the ideas were disseminated, and
spaceflight enthusiasts came into contact with others of like
mind. The sociological term for informally coordinated mass
activity is collective behavior, including such phenomena as pan-
ics, riots, fads, and crazes.
It often happens that collective behavior can develop a
degree of formal organization and become a social movement.
For spaceflight, the watershed was the founding of prospace vol-
untary organizations, notably in Germany, the United States, the
Soviet Union, and Britain. A successful social movement often
becomes incorporated in or co-opted by a societal institution,
such as government space programs. Then, the early enthusi-
asms of the typical institutionalized movement become mired in
bureaucratic inertia, and it is very difficult to transform well-
established institutions.
21
Much of the traditional social-scientific literature on social
movements focuses on the movements of deprived groups within
society.
22
These often take the form of protests, and they typi-
cally challenge the comfortable status of societal elites. To many
influential people, the evolutionary processes of conventional
societal institutions feel safer and more reasonable than revolu-
tionary movements.
Since the end of the Apollo program, a number of moderate
social movement organizations have supported increased efforts
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23. Trudy E. Bell, “American Space-Interest Groups,” Star and Sky (September 1980),
pp. 53–60.
24. Michael A. G. Michaud, Reaching for the High Frontier: The American Pro-Space
Movement, 1972–84 (New York: Praeger, 1986), p. 308.
25. William Sims Bainbridge, “Religions for a Galactic Civilization,” pp. 187–201 in
Science Fiction and Space Futures, ed. Eugene M. Emme (San Diego: American
Astronautical Society, 1982).
in space.
23
In the main, these are respectable groups, and their
contributions have been worthwhile. However, as Michael
Michaud noted in his study of these groups, they have not
achieved significant breakthroughs.
24
A really new spaceflight movement might upset the delicate
relationship between the established space program and the
branches of government that provide the money for it, and it
might alienate many opinion leaders in the general public, even
if it energized the enthusiasm of others. At the very least, a fresh
social movement would demand fresh thinking that shatters con-
ventional notions about what science, technology, and the
human spirit could accomplish in space.
Religious movements are especially suspect in the modern
era, yet they have the capacity to break through ordinary rou-
tines and to experiment with utopian alternatives such as [an]
extraterrestrial society.
25
Few people already involved in the
space program, and few members of the general public, are pre-
pared to embrace a radically new religion. Some of them are
faithful believers in the traditional religions. Most of the rest are
probably secularists with neither religious faith nor much trust
in religious enthusiasts.
Most people seem horrified by the few highly publicized
religions oriented toward contact with extraterrestrial beings.
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
26. Robert W. Balch, “When the Light Goes Out, Darkness Comes,” in Religious
Movements, ed. Rodney Stark (New York: Paragon House, 1985), pp. 11–63; “Waiting for
the Ships: Disillusionment and the Revitalization of Faith in Bo and Peep’s UFO Cult,” The
Gods Have Landed: New Religions From Other Worlds, ed. James R. Lewis (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1995), pp. 137–166; Ryan J. Cook, “Heaven’s Gate,”
Encyclopedia of Millennialism and Millennial Movements, ed. Richard Landes (New York:
Routledge, 2000), pp. 177–179; Winston Davis, “Heaven’s Gate: A Study of Religious
Obedience,” Nova Religio 3 (2000) http://www.novareligio.com/ davis.html
27. Susan J. Palmer, “Purity and Danger in the Solar Temple,” Journal of Contemporary
Religion 11 (1996), pp. 303–318; “The Solar Temple,” Encyclopedia of Millennialism and
Millennial Movements, ed. Richard Landes (New York: Routledge, 2000), pp. 394–398.
28. Susan J. Palmer, “The Raëlian Movement International,” New Religions and the New
Europe, ed. Robert Towler (Aarhus, Denmark: Aarhus University Press, 1995),
pp. 194–210; Phillip Charles Lucas, “Raelians” in Encyclopedia of Millennialism and
Millennial Movements, ed. Richard Landes (New York: Routledge, 2000), pp. 342–344.
29. Bhaktivedanta Swami, A. C., Easy Journey to Other Planets (Boston: ISKCON
Press, 1970).
Both Heaven’s Gate
26
and The Solar Temple
27
tried to travel to
other worlds by committing suicide, and the latter also commit-
ted a number of murders. A theologically similar space-oriented
group called the Raelian Movement has not resorted to violence
but has hurled a powerful religious challenge at conventional
society by setting out to clone human beings as part of its radi-
cal method for transcending the limitations of terrestrial life.
28
Religious movements have a tendency to pursue goals by
supernatural rather than natural means. An example is the little
book published by the Hare Krishna movement, Easy Journey to
Other Planets, advocating chanting rather than rocketry as the
best means to experience other worlds.
29
Thus, it is possible that
space-oriented cults will seek to explore the galaxy, but they will
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30. Rodney Stark and William Sims Bainbridge, The Future of Religion (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1985); A Theory of Religion (New Brunswick, New Jersey:
Rutgers University Press, 1996); William Sims Bainbridge, The Sociology of Religious
Movements (New York: Routledge, 1997).
probably attempt to do so through supernatural rituals rather
than through spaceflight.
30
This brief survey of research on social and religious movements
is not very encouraging. However, the examples of the civil
rights, women’s liberation, and environmentalist movements
remind us that social movements are often very effective in
changing society’s priorities. Perhaps a totally new kind of move-
ment could emerge in the next few years, employing technology
to serve fundamental human needs that in earlier centuries would
have motivated religious or political movements.
Let us imagine a successful social movement of the future
that could actually build an interplanetary and even interstellar
civilization. I will present one idea here, but perhaps others are
possible. The idea relies upon plausible developments in fields of
science and technology that seem remote from astronautics—
namely cognitive neuroscience, genetic engineering, nanotech-
nology, and information systems. But the fundamental key is a
transcendental movement that would provide the motivation to
apply these developments to the foundation of cosmic civilization.
The chief impediment to rapid development of spaceflight
is the problem of returning a profit to the people who must
invest in it. The most obvious way to motivate people to invest
in interstellar exploration is to invite them to travel personally to
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31. Ray Kurzweil, The Age of Spiritual Machines: When Computers Exceed Human
Intelligence (New York: Viking, 1999).
32. Roger A. MacGowan and Frederick I. Ordway, III, Intelligence in the Universe
(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1966).
the stars and create new lives for themselves on distant worlds.
But we are decades and perhaps centuries away from having the
technological capability and infrastructural base to accomplish
this in the conventional manner we have always imagined—by
flying living human bodies and all the necessities of life to other
planets. There is, however, another possible way.
Visionaries in a number of cutting-edge disciplines have
begun to develop the diverse toolkit of technologies that will be
required to overcome death. A prominent example is Ray
Kurzweil, a pioneer of computer speech recognition, who argues
that human beings will gradually merge with their computers
over the next century, thereby becoming immortal.
31
The idea
dates back at least to Arthur C. Clarke’s 1953 novel, The City
and the Stars. In 1966, Roger MacGowan and Frederick
Ordway speculated that successful spacefaring species might
evolve past the state of being biological organisms, becoming
“intelligent synthetic automata.”
32
We have in fact advanced
some distance in that direction over the past thirty-five years,
and we now see the real possibility of achieving that dream in a
manner that preserves unique human personalities and blends
natural with synthetic modalities.
For a number of years, I have studied the techniques for
archiving aspects of human personality in computerized infor-
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33. William Sims Bainbridge, Survey Research: A Computer-Assisted Introduction (Belmont,
California: Wadsworth, 1989); this textbook includes nine software programs and
datasets; Social Research Methods and Statistics (Belmont, California: Wadsworth, 1992);
this textbook includes eleven software programs and datasets.
34. William Sims Bainbridge, “Religious Ethnography on the World Wide Web,” Religion on
the Internet, ed. Jeffrey K. Hadden and Douglas W. Cowan, Vol. 8 of the annual Religion
and the Social Order (New York: JAI/Elsevier, 2000), pp. 55–80, especially pp. 66–75.
35. The Question Factory, www.erols.com/bainbri/qf.htm
36. www.informedia.cs.cmu.edu/eod/
mation systems, along the way publishing computer-assisted
textbooks on some of the methodologies.
33
In May 1997, I
launched a Web-based project, called The Question Factory, to
create a very large number of questionnaire measures to archive
aspects of personality that were generally missed by standard
psychological tests.
34
In addition to placing a number of item-
generation open-ended surveys on my own Web site, I joined the
team creating Survey2000 and Survey2001, two major online
questionnaire projects sponsored by the National Geographic
Society. My initial result was a set of eight personality-archiving
software modules incorporating 15,600 items and 31,200 meas-
urements.
35
Anyone can begin to archive his or her personality
using these Windows-based programs today.
A complementary approach involves making digital audio-
visual recordings of a person’s perceptions, speech, and behavior.
For example, Carnegie-Mellon University’s Experience on
Demand project is developing “tools, techniques, and systems
allowing people to capture a record of their experiences unob-
trusively.”
36
Steven Spielberg’s Survivors of the Shoah Visual
History Foundation has videotaped the reminiscences of more
than 52,000 survivors of the European holocaust, a 180-terabyte
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37. www.vhf.org/
dataset that cost $175 million to assemble.
37
The same effort
could have captured much of the personality of a single individual.
A combination of real-time computer graphics and artificial
intelligence based on an individual’s full personality record could
even today produce a realistic dynamic simulation of that individual.
Many people today carry personal digital assistants
(PDAs), and some of these are already connected to Internet.
Over the next few years, these will evolve into multimedia gate-
ways to the world of information, serving as advisors, coaches,
agents, brokers, guides, and all-purpose servants. At the same
time they perform all these functions, they can unobtrusively
record the user’s wishes, thoughts, actions, and words.
Advanced devices of this type will adapt to the user’s needs and
personality, so they will have to learn many of the facets of the
person anyway. They will also be companions that converse and
play games with the user. Many forms of personality-archiving
methods can be blended seamlessly with these activities.
A combination of foreseeable advances in several fields of
science and technology will permit vast improvements in our
ability to capture and reanimate a human personality. In time,
cognitive neuroscience, perhaps drawing upon molecule-size sen-
sor developments in nanotechnology, will be able to chart the
structure and function of a living human brain. “Gene on a chip”
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38. William Sims Bainbridge, Goals in Space (Albany, New York: State University of New
York Press, 1991).
bioelectronic devices will permit cost-effective sequencing and
analysis of those aspects of a person’s genetic code that influence
his or her personality. Information science, especially in the very
active field of digital libraries, will develop the necessary tech-
niques for efficient storage and access of petabyte records of the
individual. Finally, advances in genetic engineering, information
systems, and robotics will allow archived human beings to live
again, even in transformed bodies suitable for life on other plan-
ets and moons of the solar system.
New lives must be lived on new worlds.
38
Overpopulation
from a zero death rate would soon fill any one planet, and humanity
would lose its finest treasure if there were no more children. In
the past, several religions imagined that the afterlife was located
in Heaven. Once reanimation of archived human personalities
becomes possible, it will be necessary to enact a worldwide con-
stitutional law that resurrection must not be done on Earth, but
only in the heavens.
We see the beginnings of this prohibition against terrestrial
resurrection in the remarkably powerful worldwide movement
to ban human reproductive cloning. Other technologies are
likely to be banned on Earth in later decades, such as advanced
forms of artificial intelligence and android robots. Genetic engi-
neering is already under concerted attack, and there are the
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39. Bill Joy, “Why the Future Doesn’t Need Us,” Wired (April 2000).
40. William Sims Bainbridge, “Computer Simulation of Cultural Drift: Limitations on
Interstellar Colonization,” Journal of the British Interplanetary Society (1984) 37: 420–429.
41. Sebastian von Hoerner, “Population Explosion and Interstellar Expansion,” Journal of
the British Interplanetary Society (1975) 28: 691–712.
beginnings of a movement to ban some forms of nanotechnology.
39
Scientists in these fields may have to do their work beyond the
reach of terrestrial religions and governments, but that will be costly.
Only a goal as valuable as eternal life could motivate investment
in substantial scientific infrastructure on the Moon or Mars.
Calculation of the geometric realities facing colonization of
the universe suggests that there might not be enough room in the
galaxy for endless copies of absolutely everybody. The population
of an expanding sphere of inhabited worlds increases according
to the cube of its radius, while the surface area from which col-
onization ships can directly reach new solar systems increases
only as the square of the radius.
40
To some extent, this problem
can be dealt with by gradually increasing the time between lives.
But unless a means of instantaneous interstellar travel is devised,
the rate of expansion of the human population is limited.
41
The answer is a simple one. A person must earn a new life
by contributing in some way, direct or indirect, to the development
and maintenance of the entire system that explores and colonizes
space. Thus, each generation has a moral contract with the ones
that follow. Every person who contributes substantially has a
right to expect at least one more life. Future generations must
honor that promise if they are to have any hope that the genera-
tions after them will grant them a second life as well.
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42. Nathan Keyfitz, “The Family that Does not Reproduce Itself,” Below Replacement
Fertility in Industrial Societies, ed. Kingsley Davis, Mikhail Bernstam, and Rita Ricardo-
Campbell (Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 139–154; Ben J.
Wattenberg, The Birth Dearth (New York: Ballantine Books, 1987).
As noted above, many human populations are failing to
reproduce even at the replacement level and are destined to vanish
gradually from the Earth through an insidious form of genetic
suicide.
42
In particular, highly educated nations and groups
whose religion or philosophy does not encourage childbirth are
failing, whereas uneducated populations and fundamentalist
groups are growing. Well-educated people can ensure the demo-
graphic growth of their population through interstellar immortality.
By “arrival of the fittest,” those with the most advanced minds
and cultures will spread across the galaxy.
Even a very low birthrate per lifetime can cause population
growth when an individual has many lifetimes in which to
reproduce. Additionally, some individuals who make extraordi-
nary contributions to human progress may thereby earn the right
to live out several lives simultaneously in different solar systems,
reproducing themselves as well as giving birth to children who
are distinct personalities.
We have the technology, already today, to begin archiving
human personalities at low fidelity within what I call Starbase, a
database destined eventually to be transported to the stars. To
gain entry to Starbase, a person must contribute significantly in
some way to the creation of interstellar civilization. One way is
to help develop technologies for archiving and reanimating
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human personalities at ever higher fidelity. Another is to work
toward the establishment of small human colonies, first on the
Moon and Mars, where Starbase can be headquartered and
where serious work on reanimation can begin.
When the time comes for the first interstellar expeditions,
they will be carried out not by biologically based humans in their
first brief lifetimes, but by eternal Starbase modules incorporat-
ing the archived but active personalities of the crew and
colonists. At the destination, the crew will not waste its time ter-
raforming planets, but will adapt the colonist into whatever form
(biological, robot, cyborg) [that] can thrive in the alien environ-
ment. Subsequent waves of colonists can be sent as radioed data
files in a technically feasible version of the old science-fiction
dream of teleportation.
A Starbase movement could offer the stars to people living
today, and this realistic hope would motivate us to create first an
interplanetary then an interstellar civilization. It draws upon
advanced technology from fields other than rocketry, and it
promises to serve the instinctive desire for survival. By conceptu-
alizing human beings as dynamic systems of information, it har-
monizes with the fundamental principles of postindustrial
society. Such a movement could provide powerful new motiva-
tions for a second spaceflight revolution.
In conclusion, ancient Greek scientists knew that the Earth was
a sphere, and they understood roughly how large it is. However,
the classical civilization of Greece and Rome failed to exploit that
knowledge, send expeditions to the Americas, and colonize the
New World. Similarly, our more technically advanced civilization
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understands the fundamental scope of the galaxy, yet we seem to
lack the cultural dynamics and social organization required for
interplanetary let alone interstellar travel and settlement.
Pessimists might conclude that we should tear down our
present civilization quickly to hasten the next Dark Age, so that
the successor spacefaring civilization will get an earlier start. But
the seeds of each new civilization need to be securely planted
within the old—just as Christianity took root within classical
society and later helped shape industrial society. Two thousand
years ago, Christianity was but one of many cults vying for attention
within the Roman Empire, but it rose to become the most influential
movement of all human history. Thus, optimists would attempt
to launch many space-related social movements in the hopes that
one of them would eventually take humanity to the stars.
At the extreme, optimists and pessimists might agree that
the human species, as it is currently defined, simply is inferior to
the task. With a lifespan generally under a century, we require
quick returns on our investments, and our instincts are too eas-
ily satisfied by modest lives on our home planet. But extreme
optimists differ from pessimists in that they imagine we can
evolve into something higher, a truly cosmic species for whom all
the universe is home.
Count me among the optimists. Probably, many intellectual
leaders and policymakers in the standard aerospace agencies and
corporations will find the Starbase idea too radical for their
tastes. Yet business as usual is not going to create interplanetary
civilization. In time, the standard institutions of Western civilization
will disintegrate, like those of the Roman Empire 1,600 years
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earlier. Already we see demographic trends that are extremely
worrying—unchecked population growth in the poor countries
and impending collapse in most advanced nations. Human
exploration of the universe through an aggressive space program
has nearly stalled. The future demands a new spaceflight social
movement to get us moving again.
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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Mutual Influences: U.S.S.R.-U.S. Interactions
During the Space Race—Asif Siddiqi
65
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
Sputnik 1.
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I would like to take a broader historical view of the space race and
look at the relationship between the Soviet Union and the United
States in the early years of the space race. Then I would like to add
some thoughts on the writing of history and how we understand it.
In the past ten years, our view of the space race has
changed dramatically. Much of this has had to do with the fall
of the Soviet Union and the subsequent availability of an
unprecedented amount of information that has allowed us to
rewrite that one side of the history of the space race. Previously,
we only knew bits and pieces of what the Soviets did. Now we
know not only what they did, but why they did certain things,
which is an important aspect of writing history. Writing history is
about making sense. It is about building patterns, about putting
together pieces and making those pieces fit. It is not about
chronologies. The writing of this new history indicates a funda-
mental maturity of our field and space history. We are now able to
move from chronologies to making sense.
One of the things that I want to talk about today is how
we have understood the space race. Traditionally, we have
viewed it in terms of action and reaction. One side reacted to the
other and did certain things, and then the other side reacted to
that. So there was this chain reaction of events.
The new historical record suggests that’s not so far from the
truth, but perhaps we need a slightly more nuanced approach. I
would like to touch on three very important milestones in the
space race and reexamine those events in the light of new infor-
mation—Sputnik, the flight of Yuri Gagarin in 1961, and the
Moon race.
Mutual Influences: U.S.S.R.-U.S. Interactions
During the Space Race—Asif Siddiqi
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Sputnik has been considered the first big milestone in the
space race. For over forty years now, we have considered Sputnik
the first shot, the opening salvo. I would not disagree that Sputnik
was the first physical manifestation of the space race, but I
would argue that the space race actually began before Sputnik.
As most of you know, Sputnik was launched during the
International Geophysical Year, a period of intense scientific
research organized by scientists all over the world. There were a
number of key proposals from the American side to participate
during the International Geophysical Year [IGY].
As most of you know, the Eisenhower Administration
announced in July 1955 that the United States would launch a
satellite during the IGY. The reasons behind that decision are
fairly complex, and so I will not go into that.
But what’s most interesting from the Soviet side is how
they reacted to this announcement. This announcement by the
Eisenhower Administration set up a series of deliberations on the
Soviet side about how they should react. These deliberations cul-
minated in a project to preempt the American side by launching
a huge scientific observatory. So, for the Soviets, the race had
already begun immediately after the Eisenhower Administration’s
announcement.
An interesting sidebar to this occurred in late 1956, when
Wernher von Braun’s team-tested a missile. The Soviets mistakenly
believed that this missile was actually trying to launch a satellite,
which shook them. This misperception fueled a Soviet sense of
urgency that “we have to do this before the Americans.” Thus,
they dropped their plans to launch this huge scientific observatory
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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and decided to launch a small metal ball, which they could
quickly do. Of course, we know that small metal ball as Sputnik.
So this new information asks us to reconsider and reframe
certain events that we know as the “Holy Grail” of history. In one
sense, the space race might not have begun on 4 October 1957, but
rather it perhaps began two years earlier. That’s an important
distinction that may lead us to think about these events in a
sharply different way.
The second issue is Yuri Gagarin’s flight in 1961. Certainly
apart from Sputnik, no other event has been more important for
both sides in the early years of the space age. For the Soviets, this was
their high point, their peak. For the Americans, Gagarin’s flight was
important because it set off deliberations that led to the decision to go
to the Moon. Again, this demonstrates an action-reaction dynamic.
The new information also suggests that the Soviets really
were reacting to the Americans, or at least what they thought the
Americans were doing. Gagarin’s flight was planned almost as a
reaction to Mercury, and the timing of his flight was, in many
ways, a reaction to what von Braun and others were thinking in
terms of when NASA would launch the first American in space.
A lot of it had to do with timing, but a lot of it was pure luck.
It could have easily been Alan Shepard who was the first human
in space. It turned out to be Yuri Gagarin. But there definitely
was an action-reaction dynamic, and it’s important to take that
into account in looking at other events in the space race too.
Finally, I would like to go to the third issue, which is the Moon
race. We know that the Soviets were in a race to the Moon with
the United States, and they tried hard. Kennedy committed
Mutual Influences: U.S.S.R.-U.S. Interactions
During the Space Race—Asif Siddiqi
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NASA to a Moon landing in 1961. It was a national goal. But
the Soviets hardly took notice. In 1961, they had just launched
Yuri Gagarin and had no reason to feel threatened. It was only
in 1964 that they really began to think seriously about a Moon
landing. It was a national priority only in 1967, which was too
little, too late.
The action-reaction dynamic also plays into the Moon
race. One of the interesting things that I have discovered in my
research is how American information seeped over to the other
side and how the Soviets dealt with it. Apollo is an interesting
case because repeatedly throughout the 1960s, the Soviets sim-
ply did not believe that the Americans would make it to the
Moon by 1969. They really had this feeling, and you would see
this in documents. “Well, yes, they’ve got this equipment ready
and that equipment ready, but it would just be impossible for
them to make the 1969 deadline.” What really shook them up
was the Apollo 8 mission in December 1968, because this
impressed upon the Soviets the imminent reality of a human
Moon landing. But again, by then, it was too little, too late.
I think what all of this indicates is that, in some sense, the
seeds of the Soviet failure were actually laid much earlier in the sense
of complacency that emerged after Gagarin’s flight. In some
ways, the Soviets believed that “we’re the best already,” and it
was too late before they realized that the U.S. was committed to
Apollo and, thus, was a real threat.
Another interesting point concerns the post-Apollo period.
The Soviets handled their failure in an unsurprising way, given
that they had hidden their effort in the first place. They responded
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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to Apollo by saying, “Well, we weren’t in the race at all,” and
for many years, this denial was accepted lore for most Western
observers. Because of this Western notion that “Well, we were
just racing ourselves,” many critiques of Apollo emerged.
Whether or not one thought Apollo was a good or a bad thing
for the ultimate future of the American space program, the value
of it as an international competition and a demonstration of
supreme rivalry was called into question for many years. During
the 1970s and 1980s, many critics were frustrated and disap-
pointed that “we’ve spent so much money and effort to get to
the Moon first, and yet, there was no race after all.”
Of course, in the past ten years, we have understood more
clearly that there was indeed a space race. We know it was hard-
fought, and we know the Americans won. I think this is one
example of how history itself is dynamic and changing, pointing
out that nothing is fixed. I expect that how we remember the
Moon race forty years from now will be quite different from
how we remember it today.
We should not compartmentalize history into saying that it
is restricted by artificial boundaries and we can only understand
history by looking through these blinders. We need to broaden
our perspective by looking at the other side and trying to under-
stand the action-reaction interrelationship that was going on in
the 1960s and 1970s.
I would like to end with some final thoughts on how we
evaluate history. Professional and academic historians often
want to write about events and people from some measure of
dispassionate distance. We tend to evaluate space history
Mutual Influences: U.S.S.R.-U.S. Interactions
During the Space Race—Asif Siddiqi
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through contexts such as geopolitics, the Cold War, the missile
gap, and presidential administrations. But there is also some-
thing to be said about imbuing history with the essence of what
makes people want to do certain extraordinary things. If we look
at the flight of Yuri Gagarin or the flight of Alan Shepard, it is
almost impossible to see these as events outside of the Cold War.
But I think it is also important to recognize how important
the flight of Yuri Gagarin, for example, was simply in the course
of human history. It was the first time that a human being had
left the planet Earth. I think that historians should not be afraid
of appealing to that sense of the human imagination—to step
back from geopolitics and the Cold War to see an event from a
much broader perspective. I hope historians can take up that
challenge in the future.
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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Making Human Spaceflight as Safe
as Possible—Frederick D. Gregory
73
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
NASA’s safety priorities.
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From the first days of the Mercury program to today’s efforts
aboard the International Space Station, human safety has always
been the primary consideration for human spaceflight.
Looking backward, consider NASA’s first attempts to reach
space without human crews. Rockets tipped over, rockets exploded
on lift off, rockets careened off course . . . it sure didn’t look safe.
Before we could put a life at risk, the rockets had to be
made safer. How? Mostly through the application of brute-force
engineering—essentially the “Fly, Fix, Fly” approach.
This approach did eventually lead to safer rockets; how-
ever, to produce a spacecraft intended for routine human flight
into space, NASA needed to design safety into the vehicle, not
just add safety on after a problem was discovered. This need
drove NASA to become the home of some of the world’s best
design engineers and produced some of the best system safety,
quality, and reliability engineers.
NASA demonstrated through the Mercury program that we
could launch a human into orbit around the Earth and recover
the astronaut and spacecraft safely. During the Gemini program,
we perfected complex rendezvous and docking in space, and per-
formed spacewalks. Both astronauts and equipment operated safely
during longer durations in space. By the time the Gemini program
ended, NASA was doing what was once thought impossible.
Even with increasingly complex equipment and quick turn-
arounds between missions, the astronauts always returned home
safely. Success was becoming routine and expected.
NASA experienced a rude awakening in January 1967,
when the Apollo 1 capsule burst into flames during a preflight
Making Human Spaceflight as Safe
as Possible—Frederick D. Gregory
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ground test. The three astronauts performing the test perished in
the blaze. The test had called for simulating a launch configuration,
so the capsule was pressurized with 100 percent oxygen, and the
hatch was sealed. Investigators determined that an electrical
short sparked the fire. In a 100-percent oxygen environment, the fire
quickly engulfed the capsule. But the test was being performed
with an unfueled launch vehicle, so it was not considered haz-
ardous! NASA never considered the possibility of a fire during
the test—crew evacuation and fire suppression were not part of
the test scenario.
NASA responded to this tragedy by strengthening safety
oversight, clarifying responsibilities, improving communications,
improving test safety analysis and emergency procedures, and
making safety design enhancements to the Apollo spacecraft.
Congress established the Aerospace Safety Advisory Panel to
provide an independent review of the safety of NASA programs
and operations. NASA established an Office of Flight Safety,
independent of the flight program office, to review all aspects of
design, manufacturing, test, and flight from a safety standpoint.
NASA recovered from this tragedy. NASA astronauts
landed on the Moon six times and returned safely. The Apollo
13 mission demonstrated that NASA could recover from a serious
technical mishap and return the crew safely to Earth. In the
1970s, NASA conducted the Apollo-Soyuz program and the
Skylab program—logging more human spaceflight success.
For a period of time, America did not have a regular human
presence in space. Throughout the 1970s, we were developing
and building the next generation of [the] reusable space vehicle,
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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the Space Shuttle. In the mid-1970s, Agencywide advocacy for flight
safety became the responsibility of the NASA Chief Engineer.
From 1981 to 1986, NASA flew twenty-four Space Shuttle
missions. Although we experienced some anomalies along the
way, the astronauts always returned home safely.
Again, success was becoming routine—until a cold January
day in 1986, when the Space Shuttle Challenger suffered a major
failure in the seals of one of its boosters and exploded 73 seconds
after liftoff. All seven crewmembers were killed.
In the painful months that followed, there were indepth,
critical reviews by NASA and external bodies. The Shuttle pro-
gram was grounded, and each safety practice was dissected and
examined. Safety goals and procedures were revisited; even orga-
nizational and individual attitudes were considered. The reviews
found a number of management flaws. For example, O-ring seal
problems in the boosters had surfaced on previous missions.
However, this information was not widely circulated. Concerns
expressed by safety engineers did not always reach management
in a timely manner. Additionally, the magnitude of the risk and
the associated ramifications may not have been fully understood
by the decision-makers. There had been growing pressure on
NASA to launch the Shuttle regularly and on schedule. No one
believed that they had enough data to prove that the launch was
not safe. A collective mindset evolved—if no one could prove
that the launch was unsafe, it must be safe!
In the few years after the Challenger accident, NASA put
in place a number of improvements to its safety program. These
included:
Making Human Spaceflight as Safe
as Possible—Frederick D. Gregory
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• Creating an independent safety organization, reporting
directly to the Administrator.
• Increasing the budget and staffing for safety, reliability,
maintainability, and quality assurance.
• Improving communications. NASA created an additional
avenue to communicate safety concerns in a confidential
manner—the NASA Safety Reporting System.
• Strengthening risk-management programs and initiating
significant problem reporting, trend analysis, and inde-
pendent systems assessment capability.
These improvements form the basis for today’s Safety and
Mission Assurance Program, and since return-to-flight in 1988,
every NASA Space Shuttle flight has flown and landed safely.
How has human spaceflight safety advanced over the past
forty years? Well, for one thing, we know more. We know more
about engineering, materials, and robotics. Safety and mission
assurance tools are much more advanced. We have the capability
of improved nondestructive evaluation, and we can do computer
modeling and sophisticated “what if” scenarios.
Today, we know more about program management and
more about what it takes to fly safely. We know that there are a
million things that can go wrong, and we know that we can
never become complacent. We will not allow ourselves to be bul-
lied by schedules, and we won’t let cost constraints make us
skimp on safety.
We don’t ask our engineers and managers and experts to
prove it is not safe to fly. Rather, we ask them to prove that it is safe.
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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This is a philosophical change from the days before Challenger
and a fundamental management principle for safety of flight.
Today’s human spaceflight safety prelaunch assessment
review process is independent and comprehensive. For each launch,
NASA managers prepare a Certificate Of Flight Readiness—we
call it the COFR. Before I sign the COFR, I must personally
understand all the safety issues and their resolution. If I do not
have confidence that everything has been done to make the flight
as safe as it can be, it is my job to not sign the COFR. The
Administrator would not have it any other way.
The International Space Station heralds a new era of space
exploration for America. On this program, safety is NASA’s
highest priority. My staff performs continuous oversight and
independent assessment on the design, development, and operation
of the International Space Station.
In sum, I’d like to describe the illustration shown [on page
74]. This picture represents NASA’s safety hierarchy. We articu-
lated the safety hierarchy a little over two years ago, as part of
our quest to be the nation’s leader in safety and occupational
health, and in the safety of the products and services we provide.
The safety hierarchy stresses that we are all accountable for
assuring that our programs, projects, and operations do not
impact safety or health for the public, astronauts and pilots,
employees on the ground, and high-value equipment and property.
When people are thinking about doing things safely,
they’re also thinking about doing things right. And for the past
couple of years, we’ve had some pretty good results. In the time
since the failures of the Mars 98 missions that occurred in late
Making Human Spaceflight as Safe
as Possible—Frederick D. Gregory
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1999, every NASA spacecraft launch has met the success objec-
tives, and every Space Shuttle mission has safely and successfully
met all mission objectives. Now I can’t say that NASA’s safety
program is solely responsible for these achievements, but, as we
like to say, “mission success starts with safety.”
In the future, looking forward, we will continue to make
spaceflight even safer. That is NASA’s vision. That is NASA’s
duty to both those who will travel into space and the American
people who will make the journey possible.
Looking Backward, Looking Forward
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What If? Paths Not
Taken—John M. Logsdon
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
President John F. Kennedy speaks before a crowd of 35,000 people at Rice
University on 12 September 1962. NASA Image 69-HC-1245.
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I want to ask all of you to join me for a few minutes in a men-
tal experiment. There is a certain sense of determinism as we
review a period of history, like the forty years of U.S. human
spaceflight. There is an implicit assumption that there were no
alternatives to the way things happened. If you step back even
half a step, you know that’s not true; that along the way, history
could have been very different if different choices had been
made, if different events had happened. So I have arbitrarily
picked a few situations in those forty years and invite you to ask
along with me: “What if things had been different?”
This notion of counterfactual history has some legitimacy.
I have used it as a class assignment for my students in space policy,
asking them to write about what might have occurred if different
choices had been made. Dwayne Day, a former student and now
a colleague, has suggested a whole symposium on counterfactual
space history, and that might be an interesting thing to do someday.
As I looked into preparation for this talk, I discovered there is a
body of literature on counterfactual history. And, not surprisingly
in the Internet age, there are even Web sites devoted to the topic!
So let us start with the first “what if.” The Mercury
Redstone 2 flight on 31 January 1961 carried the chimpanzee
Ham. It went too high and too fast. Ham experienced over 10-Gs
on reentry, and the spacecraft landed several hundred miles
down range. He was a very angry chimpanzee when rescue teams
reached the Mercury capsule. The problem that caused the devi-
ation in flight trajectory turned out to be very simple to identify;
it was quickly diagnosed as a malfunctioning valve. It could have
been fixed, and the next flight, which had been scheduled to
What If? Paths Not Taken—John M. Logsdon
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
1. Aleksandr Fursenko and Timothy Naftali, One Hell of a Gamble: Khrushchev, Castro,
and Kennedy, 1958–1964 (New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1997).
carry the first astronaut, could have been launched without an
intermediate test flight. But even in those days, safety was criteria
number one. So Wernher von Braun and his team insisted on a flight
of the repaired booster with a dummy spacecraft; that flight took
place on 24 March 1961. The reality is if the 31 January flight
had been successful, then the 24 March flight could have carried
Alan Shepard. He would have been the first human in space, not
Yuri Gagarin.
What might have been the impacts of that? It is reasonable
to speculate that the Soviet reaction, the U.S. reaction to Yuri
Gagarin’s flight, President Kennedy’s subsequent reaction to the
Gagarin flight, the press reaction, and the political reaction that
provided the fuel for Kennedy to ask his advisors to find a dra-
matic space program with which the United States could “win”
might all have been entirely different. It is quite possible that the
United States would not have decided to try to surpass the Soviet
Union in spectacular space achievements. Then a very different
space history would certainly have evolved.
Here is another possibility. In President Kennedy’s inaugural
State of the Union address, he invited the Soviet Union to coop-
erate in the exploration of space. In fact, early on, he had tar-
geted space as an area for trying to develop mutual confidence
and reduce tensions with our Cold War adversary. Kennedy was
forced by the reaction to the Gagarin flight to compete, but he
never gave up the cooperative idea. There’s a book called One
Hell of a Gamble
1
that traces the fact that Kennedy, between the
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time he received the memo recommending Apollo and the time
he announced Apollo on 25 May 1961, kept asking the Soviet
Union “might you want to cooperate in space?” He received no
response from the Soviets, so he went ahead with his speech on
25 May. Ten days later, in Vienna, he met Nikita Khrushchev for
the one and only time and suggested “Why don’t we go to the
Moon together?” As Asif Siddiqi has suggested, at that point, the
Soviet Union didn’t have a lunar program, really didn’t take the
United States very seriously, and the official party line was to
link cooperation to general and complete disarmament. So there
was no positive response from Khrushchev.
Kennedy never really went away from the idea. In September
1963, at the United Nations in the most public possible way, he
suggested, “Why should this be a matter of national rivalry?
Why don’t we do it together?” Khrushchev’s son, Sergei, has
written that at that point the Soviet leader was beginning to
think more about cooperation. Kennedy, ten days before he was
assassinated, sent a memo to Jim Webb asking for a plan to coop-
erate with the Soviet Union in space, including a cooperative
lunar-landing effort.
What would have happened if Khrushchev’s answer had
been yes? Well, there are lots of possibilities. If the answer had
been yes at Vienna in 1961, for example, the political support
that made Apollo possible likely would have collapsed. This
political support was based on competition, on the idea of the
United States gaining a preeminent position in space. So if the
Soviet Union had accepted Kennedy’s offer, I’m not sure Apollo
would have ever happened.
What If? Paths Not Taken—John M. Logsdon
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Looking Backward, Looking Forward
2. Stephen Baxter, Voyage (William Morrow and Company, 1997).
Could the Soviet Union have carried out its part of the pro-
gram if cooperation had taken place? It is not clear whether the
post-Khrushchev leadership of Brezhnev and Kosygin would
have been as committed to this. It is also debatable whether the
Soviet Union could have contributed to the program in the ways
that would have m |